Pat Buchanan - Who promoted Private Ryan?

Forty-eight hours after Donald Trump wrapped up the Republican nomination with a smashing victory in the Indiana primary, House Speaker Paul Ryan announced that he could not yet support Trump.

In millennial teen-talk, Ryan told CNN's Jake Tapper, "I'm just not ready to do that at this point. I'm not there right now." "(T)he bulk of the burden of unifying the party" falls on Trump, added Ryan. Trump must unify "all wings of the Republican Party, and the conservative movement." Trump must run a campaign that we can "be proud to support and proud to be a part of."

Then, maybe, our Hamlet of the House can be persuaded to support the elected nominee of his own party.

Excuse me, but upon what meat has this our Caesar fed?

Ryan is a congressman from Wisconsin. He has never won a statewide election. As number two on Mitt Romney's ticket, he got waxed by Joe Biden. He was compromise choice as speaker, only after John Boehner went into in his Brer Rabbit "Zip-a-dee-doo-dah" routine.

Who made Ryan the conscience of conservatism? Who made Ryan keeper of the keys of true Republicanism?

Trump "inherits something ... that's very special to a lot of us," said Ryan, "the party of Lincoln and Reagan and Jack Kemp."

But Trump did not "inherit" anything. He won the nomination of the Republican Party in an epic battle in the most wide-open race ever, in which Trump generated the largest turnout and greatest vote totals in the history of Republican primaries.

What is Ryan up to? He is pandering to the Trump-hating Beltway media and claiming the leadership of a Republican establishment routed and repudiated in the primaries, not only by that half of the party that voted for Trump, but also by that huge slice of the party that voted for Ted Cruz.

The hubris here astonishes. A Republican establishment that has been beaten as badly as Carthage in the Third Punic War is now making demands on Scipio Africanus and the victorious Romans.

This is difficult to absorb.

Someone should instruct Paul Ryan that losers do not make demands. They make requests. They make pleas.

What makes Ryan's demands more astonishing is that he is the designated chairman of the Republican National Convention, a majority of whose delegates and whose nomination Trump is about to win.

Ryan is saying he is ambivalent over whether he will accept the verdict of the Cleveland convention — of which he is the chairman.

If Ryan holds to his refusal to accept the decision of the Republican majority in the primaries, he should be removed from that role. And if Ryan does not come out of Thursday's meeting with the Donald, endorsing him, the presumptive nominee should turn to Paul Ryan, and, in two words, tell him, "You're fired!"

Trump cannot allow the establishment to claw back in the cloakrooms of Capitol Hill what he won on a political battlefield. He cannot allow a discredited establishment to dictate the issues he may run on.

That would be a betrayal of the troops who brought Trump victory after victory in the primaries.

To longtime students of politics, there is rarely anything new under the sun. And there is precedent for the shakedown Ryan and his Beltway collaborators are trying to do to Trump.

Paul Ryan is the Nelson Rockefeller of his generation. In 1960, Gov. Rockefeller refused to challenge Vice President Nixon in the primaries. When Nixon went to Rockefeller's New York apartment to persuade him to join the ticket, Rocky refused, but demanded concessions in the platform, to which Nixon acceded.

The Chicago convention, a Nixon convention, believed itself betrayed by the "Pact of Fifth Avenue."

Only the appearance of Sen. Barry Goldwater at the podium to tell conservatives to "grow up. We can take this party back," halted a suicidal drive to take the nomination away from Nixon.

After Goldwater won the nomination in the 1964 California primary by defeating Rockefeller, Rocky arrived at the San Francisco convention to demand that a plank equating the John Birch Society with the Communist Party and Ku Klux Klan be written into Goldwater's platform. Hooted and rejected, Rocky went home and refused to endorse the nominee, who went down to a crushing defeat by LBJ.

Nixon, a party loyalist, campaigned across the country for Barry and his doomed party.

In 1968, Nixon got his reward, the nomination, with Goldwater's support. And Govs. Rockefeller and George Romney, who had done the Paul Ryan thing, never came close.

Rockefeller got what he deserved when the Reaganite heirs of Barry Goldwater, at Kansas City in 1976, demanded the dumping of Rocky from President Ford's ticket. And they got it.

Paul Ryan, in declaring that he cannot now support Trump, and imposing conditions to earn his support, has crawled out on a long limb. Trump cannot capitulate. He has to saw it off. This is one Private Ryan we cannot save.

(Syndicated columnist Pat Buchanan has been a senior advisor to three presidents, twice a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination and the presidential nominee of the Reform Party in 2000. He won the New Hampshire Republican Primary in 1996.)

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Froma Harrop - What team Bernie should do now

Bernie Sanders is almost certainly not going to be the Democratic nominee. Though he retains a devoted following, the crowds, the attention and the money are no longer what they were — death for a campaign built on momentum. Hillary Clinton, meanwhile, holds a virtually insurmountable lead in both delegates and votes.

Passion is a valuable commodity in politics, and the time has come for team Sanders to redirect it. There are two useful paths at this point. No. 1 is joining Democrats, sensible Republicans and the rest of civilization in defeating the appalling Donald Trump. If Sanders and his troops can graft their idealism onto the realism of Clinton's campaign, then Trump goes down in a pink puff of stage powder smoke.

No. 2 is turning that liberal energy into an enduring political force. That would require making the "movement" less about Bernie and more about ideas.

The thorny question is, how much of Sanders' support is tied to one man? Sanders has won many young hearts, but turning a fan base into a voting bloc is not easy.

Some of Sanders' more ardent backers seem to have taken Clinton's criticisms of Sanders personally. A few vow to wave the bloody shirt, rather than support Clinton in the general election. It is Sanders' job to lay out the stakes for them.

Whether he will wield that shovel is not entirely clear. Sanders says he will work to prevent a Trump presidency. But is he able to join a parade in which he is not grand marshal?

And there remain opportunities to get final digs in on Clinton. The greatest one will be the Democratic National Convention, where Sanders vows "to fight as hard as we can ... to make sure that we have a progressive platform." You wonder whom he might want to smite and about what.

This might pain some of the revolutionaries, but in terms of getting progressive policies into law, Clinton has done worlds more than has Sanders. So have Elizabeth Warren and other members of the party that Sanders chose not to be a member of.

On the plus side, Sanders gives a rousing speech, and that's not a small thing. (If only Clinton could borrow some of his populist thunder.) And for all the misgivings many have about his quixotic visions and youthful rumblings about "the establishment," Sanders beyond a doubt has emboldened Democrats to champion their beliefs without apology.

And on the plus-plus side, some former Sanders staffers have started a group called Brand New Congress to turn the focus toward electing strong liberals to Congress. Without a cooperative Congress, the most progressive president is hampered. Just ask Barack Obama.

Opportunity knocks. With the scary Trump at the top of the ticket, Republicans risk losing their large House majority. There's a reason, beyond conservative principles, why House Speaker Paul Ryan has taken the extraordinary step of withholding support for Trump.

By the way, Brand New Congress is a PAC. It's into raising money for candidates. As Sanders correctly keeps saying, campaign finance overhaul is desperately needed. But as realists say, you need money right now to elect the people who would do the overhauling.

If Democrats retake the Senate majority, which is a strong possibility, Sanders would be in line to head the Senate budget committee. This is a choice chairmanship offering much power over taxes and spending.

But there's a general election standing between now and that prospect. Can Sanders move his fiercest devotees to cast a ballot for her ? And would he actually campaign for Clinton in earnest? The answer to this we are "Berning" to know.

(A member of the Providence Journal editorial board, Froma Harrop writes a nationally syndicated column from that city. She has written for such diverse publications as The New York Times, Harper's Bazaar and Institutional Investor.)

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Lakes Region Profiles — Meredith Bay, a beacon overlooking Winnipesaukee

By Frank Roche

President, Roche Realty Group, Inc.


It's amazing when you look at the landscape surrounding Lake Winnipesaukee and observe some of the new undertakings that have occurred in recent years. Keep in mind, these have been difficult years since 2008 with the financial downturn. Fast track to 2016 and we are in the midst of a nice expansion in our local economy, with all sorts of real estate activity taking place. One very masterfully planned community overlooking Lake Winnipesaukee is generating a tremendous amount of interest. I must say it takes a world class company to create such a prestigious community. Meredith Bay is one of those communities.
Meredith Bay, perched atop the former Brickyard Mountain Ski Area, encompasses 410 acres and is located between the quaint lakeside village of Meredith and the nostalgic vacation area of Weirs Beach. Meredith Bay's first neighborhood, Akwa Vista has 270 degree views that extend from Mount Washington to Gunstock. I can remember the ski area during the 1970s and early 80s, as I actually skied there once, had a vertical drop of 420 feet and had one chairlift and a rope tow. It seemed like the trail came to an abrupt stop before the lake. This location has certainly morphed to its highest and best use since that time.
So what do I mean when I say world class company? The developer, David Southworth, of Southworth Development, LLC, brings tremendous accolades and accomplishments to the table. Together with Paul Fireman of Reebok International fame, Southworth developed the communities of Willowbend, located on Cape Cod, The Westin Rio Mar Beach Resort and Country Club in Puerto Rico, The JW Marriott Starr Pass Resort located in Tucson, Arizona and Liberty National, a golf and residential community located adjacent to the Statue of Liberty on New York Bay in Jersey City, New Jersey. Southworth Development also developed a project on the west coast of Scotland called Machrihanish Dunes, involving a seaside links golf course, the restoration of two beautiful old Scottish hotels and the creation of residential homes. His largest project is the PGA village The Bahamas, a 1,906-acre ocean front community, with a 36-hole championship course, 5-star hotel, casino and 1,500 residential units. The arrival of a world class developer into the Lake Region real estate market is a great step forward and demonstrates the attraction and uniqueness of our region, centered around Lake Winnipesaukee and a multitude of other quality lakes.
When you drive into the community you will see an upscale variety of quality built homes and recreation opportunities. The gated entrance off Route 3 provides access to Akwa Vista; this neighborhood involves 129 lots and features a fine selection of exquisite single family homes, many with sweeping views of the lakes and mountains. 32 home sites have been sold and 25 luxury homes have been constructed to date. They feature a blend of Craftsman and Adirondack shingle style architecture. The "Pinehurst" is priced at $576,000 and grabs my attention. The "Keniston" and the "Timber" are other examples of traditional fine architecture with contemporary flare.
The lighthouse at the top of the hill is probably the most recognized on the lake and actually services as a 500,000-gallon water tank, with a lighthouse motif and an attached "Keepers Cottage" which acts as the Meredith Bay sales center.
Down further on the site on Scenic Road, along the shores of Lake Winnipesaukee, the 19 townhomes at Meredith Bay were constructed. These tri-level homes with garages offer commanding lake and mountain views and have an eye appealing modern Adirondack design. 17 have sold and there are two resales priced from $545,000 to $689,000. I can remember in the late 1970s when I sold the Look Off Rock Motel and Cottages, and it now has become the site of these gorgeous townhomes. What is unique about these townhomes is their size, which can go up to 2,600 square feet.
Spindle View townhomes are presently under construction. These unique duplex buildings are contiguous to the townhomes across the street and the prices range from $575,000 to $650,000.
A totally new concept for the Lakes Region, Blue Gill Lodge includes 23 luxurious one level 2 to 3-bedroom condominium homes, constructed within a four level lodge building, with an underground parking garage. Each of the luxury units feature private elevator access to the heated garage below. An on-site fitness center and grilling pavilion is located within the building. The views from the expansive decks of each home are breathtaking. The architecture and unique quality construction reminds me of Beaver Creek and Vail, Colorado. State of the art and first class. So far six units have sold in the new building and they range from 1,400 to roughly 2,000 square feet.
The Akwa Marina and Beach Club, which consists of approximately five acres, is adjacent to the Meredith Bay Development on Scenic Road and all residents, under an exclusive use and access agreement, can enjoy the natural sandy beach, heated club pool with hot tub and children's pool. There are 76 boat slips at the Akwa Marina and based on availability, residents have the possibility of leasing a slip or leasing a slip from a number of nearby marinas. The Akwa Marina Beach Bar and Grille offers a nice casual spot to enjoy lunch or dinner and a cocktail overlooking the lake, within its unique post and beam octagon structure.
Additionally, the community includes its own timber frame pavilion, heated pool, tennis courts, playground, extensive walking trails, kayak cove on the lake, with access for swimming and fishing and a community garden. The community is very active with seasonal events. According to Dave Southworth, future plans call for a community retail village and possibly a boutique hotel. There is considerable room for expansion across the road on Route 3, on land which the company owns.
I have to say hats off to Dave Southworth and his fine development team! It truly is exciting to watch this new community mature into one of the Lakes Region's finest.
To find out more information regarding Meredith Bay, visit www.rocherealty.com and visit the communities page, or go to www.meredithbaynh.com. Frank Roche is president of Roche Realty Group in Meredith and Laconia, and can be reached at 279-7046.

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Michael Barone - The presumptive nominees

So Republicans now have a presumptive nominee — one headed to a clear delegate majority without visible opposition — sooner than the Democrats. It's another way in which this year's presidential race has defied expectations and ignored precedent.

Donald Trump will now have months to stage-manage his Cleveland convention, while Hillary Clinton must spend the next four weeks going through the motions of campaigning against Bernie Sanders in 10 primaries and the North Dakota caucus.

Clinton will then be the presumptive Democratic nominee. But if Democrats used Republicans' delegate allocation rules, she would have been that two months ago.

Trump, despite his complaints about the "rigged" nomination process, actually used that process to great advantage. His celebrity and $2 billion worth of media coverage enabled him to win early contests in a 17-candidate field with minorities of the vote.

The same 36 percent of the vote that gave Trump a win in Michigan left him far behind a single competitor in nearby Ohio. Overall, in February and March Trump won just 38 percent of popular votes, but the winner-take-all rule and similar rules he later decried gave him 47 percent of delegates.

There is an eerie similarity between the patterns of support of the two parties' nominees. Both Trump and Clinton got their bedrock support from their parties' most downtrodden (and, in general elections, most faithful) constituencies.

Blacks, especially Southern blacks, produced just about all Clinton's popular vote margin over Bernie Sanders. Non-college-educated whites produced the highest percentages for Trump. "I love the poorly educated!" he exclaimed after winning in low-education Nevada.

It also appears that Trump and Clinton ran worst among groups with high degrees of what scholars Robert Putnam and Charles Murray call social connectedness, or social capital. Trump was especially weak among socially connected Mormons and German-Americans and strong in areas with high opioid addiction. Both were weaker in caucuses, which favor the socially connected, than primaries.

After Ted Cruz beat Trump in Wisconsin April 5 it appeared that Trump could fall short of the 1,237-delegate majority. At which point he charged repeatedly that the process was unfair. The candidate with "most" votes, whether or not it's a majority, should be nominated, he said; exit polls showed most Republicans agreed. As for the Cruz campaign's moves to choose sympathetic delegates, and Cruz and Kasich's partnership to divvy up states — unfair!

Attitudes evidently changed. Voters preferred the clarity of a Trump nomination to the uncertainty of a contested convention. Up through mid-April Trump never got 50 percent. He hasn't gotten less since. On April 19 and April 26 he, for the first time, outperformed his poll numbers in primaries in six Northeast states. But that could be discounted; like Clinton, he's run best in the Northeast and the South.

Indiana this week was another story. Trump got 53 percent there, 12 to 18 points better than in other Midwestern primaries; in contrast, Indiana Democrats gave Bernie Sanders his sixth Midwestern victory. Republican opinion has clearly swung toward Trump. Ted Cruz, who hoped for an Indiana victory, and John Kasich, who carried just seven counties outside his home state of Ohio, both left the race.

Trump's success in improving his standing among Republicans in the past six weeks raises the question of whether he can do so among general election voters in the next six months.

There's certainly plenty of room for improvement. Current polling averages show him trailing Clinton 47 to 41 percent, and the latest poll has him behind 54 to 41. About two-thirds of voters have unfavorable feelings toward him, including larger proportions of women and millennials.

Standard analysis says these are losing numbers and that a candidate universally known will have a hard time turning them around. That's plausible. But Hillary Clinton also has high (circa 55 percent) unfavorable numbers and even lower numbers on honesty. Results in a few recent target state polls look like the close partisan division that's prevailed for two decades, not a Democratic blowout.

Much could depend on turnout. Contrary to conventional wisdom, Democratic turnout has been declining during the Obama presidency and, in contrast to 2008, turnout this year has been higher in Republican than Democratic primaries. In nearly all contests, Clinton has received fewer votes than she (or Obama) got in 2008. Sanders has swept young voters, suggesting many may not turn out this fall.

Clinton's still the favorite. But Trump has shown his capacity to disrupt political alignments, and he'll be trying to do so again.

(Syndicated columnist Michael Barone is senior political analyst for The Washington Examiner, is a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a Fox News Channel contributor and co-author of The Almanac of American Politics.)

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Jim Hightower - Who says crime doesn't pay?

Hey, can we all just stop complaining that our government coddles Wall Street's big money-grubbing banks?

Sure, they went belly-up and crashed our economy with their frauds, rigged casino games, and raw greed. And, yes, the Bush and Obama regimes rushed to bail them out with trillions of dollars in our public funds, while ignoring the plight of workaday people who lost jobs, homes, businesses, wealth, and hope. But come on, Buckos, have you not noticed that the feds are now socking the bankers with huuuuuge penalties for their wrongdoings?

Wall Street powerhouse Goldman Sachs, for example, was recently punched in its corporate gut with a jaw-dropping $5 billion for its illegal schemes.

Wow, $5 billion! That's a stunning amount that Goldman Sachs has agreed to pay to settle federal criminal charges over its shameful financial scams that helped wreck America's economy in 2008. That's a lot of gold, even for Goldman Sachs. It's hard to comprehend that much money, so think of it like this: If you paid out $100,000 a day, every day for 28 years, you'd pay off just one billion dollars. So, wow, imagine having to pull Five Big B's out of your wallet! That's enough to make even the most arrogant and avaricious high-finance flim-flammer think twice before risking such scams, right? Thus, these negotiated settlements between the Justice Department and the big banks will effectively deter repeats of the 2008 Wall Street debacle... right?

Actually, no.

The chieftains of the Wall Street powerhouse say they are "pleased" to swallow this sour slug of medicine. It's not because they're contrite and eager to make amends. Wall Street bankers don't do contrite. They are pleased (even thrilled) because this little insider secret: thanks to Goldman's backroom dealing with prosecutors, the settlement is riddled with special loopholes that could eliminate nearly $2 billion from the publicized "punishment."

For example, the deal calls for the felonious bank to put a quarter-billion dollars into affordable housing, but generous federal negotiators put incentives and credits in the fine print that will let Goldman escape with paying out less than a third of that. Also, about $2.5 billion of the settlement is to be paid to consumers hurt by the financial crisis. But the deal lets the bank deduct almost a billion of this payout from its corporate taxes — meaning you and I will subsidize Goldman's payment. As a bank reform advocate puts it, the problem with these settlements "is that they are carefully crafted more to conceal than to reveal to the American public what really happened here."

Also, notice that the $5 billion punishment is applied to Goldman Sachs, not the "Goldman Sackers." The bank's shareholders have to cough up the penalty, rather than the executives who did the bad deeds. Goldman Sachs' CEO, Lloyd Blankfein, just awarded himself a $23 million paycheck for his work last year. That work essentially amounted to negotiating the deal with the government that makes shareholders pay for the bankers' wrongdoings — while he and other top executives keep their jobs and pocket millions. Remember, banks don't commit crimes — bankers do.

One more reason Wall Street bankers privately wink and grin at these seemingly huge punishments is that even paying the full $5 billion would only be relatively painful. To you and me, that sounds like a crushing number — but Goldman Sachs raked in $33 billion in revenue last year, so it's a reasonable cost of doing business. After all, Goldman sold tens of billions of dollars in the fraudulent investment packages leading to the settlement, so the bottom line is that crime can actually pay — if it's big enough.

(Jim Hightower has been called American's most popular populist. The radio commentator and former Texas Commissioner of Agriculture is author of seven books, including "There's Nothing In the Middle of Road but Yellow Stripes and Dead Armadillos" and his new work, "Swim Against the Current: Even Dead Fish Can Go With The Flow".)

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